Zambia’s democracy has been seriously tested in 2008, following the untimely death of its incumbent president Levy Mwanawasa. A presidential by-election that took place on 30 October 2008, that was lost very narrowly by opposition candidate Michael Sata.
The eastern and southern Africa region continued to enjoy some relative stability and made positive strides towards democratic consolidation. The most recent (2008) Mo Ibrahim governance survey established that democratic governance appears to be steadily improving in 31 out of 48 sub-Saharan African countries. The positive strides have been made but not without some challenges.
Cross country challenges
Kenya started the year 2008 at a democratic cross road with the aftermath of its disputed 2007 elections threatening the democratisation process and putting to test some of NIMD’s approaches such as the CMDs. Although Zimbabwe has not been a ‘full’ member of ESARP, the political situation there remained at the centre of attention in the region.
The death of President Mwanawasa tested Zambia’s democratic preparedness in managing such sudden political changes while at the same time, this death robbed the region of one of the democratic icons whose values and principles were setting a pace for others to follow.
In South Africa, the recall of President Thambo Mbeki by the African National Congress (ANC) and the split within this party culminating in the formation of the Congress for the People (COPE) consequential thereto has shaken up the dominance of the ANC on the South African political landscape.
In Mozambique, the November 2008 provincial elections demonstrated that while the democratisation processes measured in terms of popular participation is generally on course as signified by a high voter turnout of 46% (compared to 28% in 2003 and 43% in 2004 national elections), the multiparty system is facing an ever increasing challenges of a dominant party system as Frelimo overwhelmed an already weaker opposition by amassing majorities in 42 of 43 municipal assemblies, and winning the post of mayor (presidente) in 41 of them.
Malawi continued to be rocked by a constitutional crisis (of “crossing of the floor”) as a result of the president’s abandoning of the party that sponsored him and forming his own party with the support of members from other political parties. In Kenya, the constitutional reform process faced some hurdles with the post elections crisis.
The constitutional reform debate also continued to dominate –and rightly so- the political discourse in Zambia although its momentum in the post Mwanawasa era remains to be seen.
Tanzania continued to critically reflect on some of the key legal reforms that would ensure that democracy continues to flourish there. On the immediate reform agenda was the question of reviewing the electoral management system, a process that NIMD supported Tanzania Centre for Democracy is taking the lead.
In addition to electoral and constitutional related issues, political parties continued to gain public attention as pillars of multiparty democracy. Across the region, however, a number of common challenges could still be noted that made a regional approach by way of joint reflections (through conferences and exchange programmes) relevant. These challenges include the question of lack of a clear ideological orientation.
Political party financing
The vacuum created by the absence of a strong ideological and/or programmatic basis for political parties in Africa has in some ways been substituted by the political instrumentalisation of ethnicity, regionalism and religion as a form of party foundation and party identity. Financing of political parties was also an issue of debate in the region.
Within ESARP, political parties, in addition to their own private means, are publicly financed in South Africa, Malawi, Tanzania and Mozambique. The recently passed party law in Kenya also provides for public funding of political parties. In Zambia, on the other hand, political parties have to fend for themselves as there are no provisions for state funding of political parties. Even in those countries where parties are funded by the State, neither the criteria nor the actual administration, management and accountability mechanisms are the same.
Disclosure of and the extent to which private funding is regulated is also another sticky issue in the region. In addition, most of the countries in the region continue to have very weak legal instruments governing the operations of political parties. For instance, political parties in Zambia are to-date registered under the Societies’ Act that is ideally meant to govern operations of clubs and societies. Until recently, the same was the case in Kenya, where since mid 2008, there is now law on political parties which is still in need of review.
Internal party democracy
Equally noteworthy is the theme of internal party democracy understood to mean the extent to which a party abides by basic democratic tenets and values like those of transparency, accountability and popular participation of the wider membership in the affairs of the party. A survey on this subject commissioned by NIMD in the year 2007 revealed that considered from the formal perspective, it would appear that political parties in all the partner countries of NIMD do have established systems, rules and regulation that would facilitate evolution of political parties that are not only professing democracy, but they are themselves democratic.
However, the challenge is the actual practice in terms of political behaviour that is in conformity with and supporting of the proclaimed formal democratic procedures. Of course, there are within the same region some parties that are demonstrating some best practices which would serve as models to others given the possibilities of being showcased or peer reviewed, making the case for exchange programmes pertinent.
Value of democracy centres
The year under review also saw the cross party dialogue platforms in the region (commonly referred to as Centres for Multiparty Democracy- CMDs) increasingly taking up proactive roles in not only enhancing dialogue within society but also in electoral related issues as was the case in Kenya, Zambia and Malawi.
It is clear that in the countries where these centres for multiparty democracy are operational, the contribution is appreciated. At the same time, they are meeting some unprecedented challenges and expectations that would need to be carefully thought through in order to draw lessons that can inform the future operations of such centres in particular and the work of NIMD in particular. Experience sharing in this regard was, therefore, a worthwhile exercise.
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