Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy

The public protests against Saakashvili’s administration in early November came as a surprise to both the government and a large portion of the opposition. The president cracked down hard, declaring a state of emergency, closing a number of television stations and accusing Russia of instigating the protests. But later that same day, Saakashvili agreed to call early presidential elections in January 2008, and key parties quickly returned to the negotiating table.

Since the Rose Revolution of 2004, Georgia has been hailed as a democratic frontrunner in the Caucasus. That year, reform-minded neo-liberal Michael Saakashvili took power after his predecessor Eduard Shevardnadze was forced to step down following massive street protests. It was up to Saakashvili to bring apostate regions back under the central control of Tblisi, revitalise the stagnant economy and strengthen the country’s democratic institutions.


Mixed success

To date, the government has only partly succeeded in solving the problems in the rebellious regions. Saakashvili has regained control of the Ajaria region, but tensions around Abkhazia and South Ossetia are rising, in part due to Russian support of the separatists. Additionally, many Georgians are disappointed with the neo-liberal course set by the government. While the economy continues to grow steadily, poverty is still widespread and the chasm between rich and poor remains vast.

The reform of democratic institutions is a mixed success. Critics accuse the president of nipping the young democracy in the bud with his authoritarian approach. The hard-handed police action and closure of television stations do reveal the Georgian democracy’s immaturity, but the same is true of the positions held by a number of opposition leaders, who suggested that street protests could force yet another change of power.


Power balance

Despite valid criticisms of anti-democratic behaviour displayed by the political protagonists, progress has been made. The public’s trust in the government is slowly growing. Saakashvili tackled corruption with salary increases, reduction of bureaucracy, more money for detection and prosecution, and tax law reform. Corruption is still an everyday reality and public services are still below par, but still the government is slowly becoming more effective and gaining legitimacy.

Deepening the democracy should deal with the concentration of power around the ruling party. Saakashvili’s party has control over the executive branch, dominates the judiciary and has an absolute majority in parliament. Opposition parties are too weak and divided to offer much resistance. Thanks to opposition pressure, key changes were made to the electoral system this month, which will allow small parties to play a bigger role in parliamentary politics. Hopefully, the parliamentary elections scheduled for next year will succeed in bringing greater balance to the political landscape.


Weak parties

The Georgian multiparty system is still in its infancy. The parties are organisationally weak, too heavily focused on people over party programmes, and not sufficiently rooted in society. Cooperation between the government and the opposition is also almost non-existent.

However, important steps have been taken over the past years. All parties realise that better cooperation is essential, as is improving their own party organisations. The six parties in parliament began drafting their party programmes over the past year. In cooperation with the NIMD, they formulated their viewpoints on a large number of policy issues. This information will be used to develop a VoteMatch system that voters can use in the 2008 parliamentary elections.

The parties have yet to agree on the precise date for the parliamentary elections, currently slated for November. The oppositions wants to hold them in April. The population will speak its mind on this subject with a referendum scheduled at the same time as the presidential elections in early January. Saakashvili is against early parliamentary elections, because he fears the apostate region of Abkhazia will become the linchpin in the electoral campaign, now that Russia is threatening to recognize the region as an independent state. This Russian provocation is a response to the potential declaration of independence by Kosovo, which is supported by the West.


International support

The recent political crisis was a blow for everyone trying to help Georgian democracy move forward. But Georgia is not back where it started. The country does not want to risk losing the international supported garnered by the Rose Revolution. Georgians realise all too well that they have no choice but to follow the road they’ve set out upon, difficult though it may be. The parties have once again taken their places at the negotiating table and are seeking compromise. In the coming election year, Georgia will want to prove itself once again by organising free and fair elections. Public support for deposing the government via undemocratic means is waning, and most political leaders also realise the time for revolutions has passed.